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Lessons from Wisconsin

Adam de Angeli April 5, 2025
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On April 1, the peo­ple of Wis­con­sin had an elec­tion on three issues: A race for state Supreme Court, a race for state Super­in­ten­dent, and a con­sti­tu­tion­al amend­ment to require ID to vote.

In the weeks lead­ing up to the elec­tion, I trav­eled to Wis­con­sin with fel­low Washt­e­naw Repub­li­can Club leader Eric Liel­briedis. Our mis­sion was to do what we could, and to learn what we could.

Here’s what we learned from our trip.

Vot­er ID Wins, But Does Not Dri­ve Turnout

63–37. Almost two-to-one. Every­one expect­ed vot­er ID to pass, and Democ­rats spent no mon­ey to stop what they knew was inevitable, but this was an absolute blowout.

How­ev­er, it is not clear that the pro­pos­al had any impact on turnout. This is an impor­tant issue for con­ser­v­a­tives. I have heard many con­ser­v­a­tive activists say, “We need to put Vot­er ID in the bal­lot, because it will get Repub­li­can vot­ers to turn out.”

I was skep­ti­cal of this, and remain skep­ti­cal. Because despite Vot­er ID win­ning at the polls, Repub­li­cans lost both of the oth­er races.

Vot­ers chose to keep the left-wing nut­case incum­bent for State Super­in­ten­dent Jill Under­ly, over Repub­li­can chal­lenger Brit­tany Kinz­er 53–47. Worse still, left-wing extrem­ist Susan Craw­ford beat rule-of-law Brad Schimel by a deci­sive 54–45 to cement the Democ­rats’ con­trol of the Wis­con­sin Supreme Court.

So what hap­pened in these races?

The State Super­in­ten­dent race was sim­ply not on peo­ple’s radar. There was vir­tu­al­ly no mon­ey spent on the race. All of the mon­ey was on the Supreme Court race. Still, the incum­bent undoubt­ed­ly had the sup­port of the teacher unions, the edu­ca­tion indus­try, and the usu­al insti­tu­tion­al sup­port of the Left, where­as Brit­tany Kinz­er had vir­tu­al­ly noth­ing.

Vot­ers Do Not Under­stand Judi­cial Activism

I can tell you from speak­ing to many Wis­con­sin vot­ers that the issue of judi­cial activism is sim­ply not on the minds of ordi­nary vot­ers. That’s painful for me to say as some­body who watch­es with hor­ror as activist judges have been attack­ing the Trump agen­da and vio­lat­ing the Arti­cle II pow­er of the Exec­u­tive Branch.

(If only Trump had the oppor­tu­ni­ty to speak to the Amer­i­can peo­ple, like an address to Con­gress, when he could have raised the issue.)

Vot­ers do not under­stand that Demo­c­rat judges tram­ple over the law and Repub­li­can judges fol­low it to a fault.

I’m not talk­ing about the Madi­son lib­er­als. I spoke to vot­ers in gen­er­al­ly con­ser­v­a­tive areas like Wauke­sha. I encoun­tered a few left-wingers, of course. But I’m talk­ing about ordi­nary Wis­con­sinites when I say that “activist judges” is not a hot but­ton for them. They are just not famil­iar with the term in the way that Repub­li­cans are.

In 2024, Pres­i­dent Trump won Michi­gan, but both Repub­li­can can­di­dates for state Supreme Court were clob­bered. At the time I won­dered how much of this was due to the prob­lems with the state Repub­li­can Par­ty and the can­di­dates not hav­ing their own base of sup­port, ver­sus some­thing going on with the elec­torate.

Now we know what the results are when the mon­ey goes all in, and indeed in Wis­con­sin, it did. The state Supreme Court race was by far the most expen­sive state race in Amer­i­can his­to­ry. More than $90 mil­lion was spent.

There is a sub­stan­tial num­ber of swing vot­ers — and I got the sense that most were women — that seemed to feel that Demo­c­rat judges are “safer” than Repub­li­can judges. Democ­rats were loud­ly claim­ing (false­ly) that Brad Schimel would have banned all abor­tion in Wis­con­sin.

The Democ­rats’ (false) mes­sag­ing is work­ing on inde­pen­dent vot­ers. Repub­li­cans’ mes­sag­ing is not.

This is a prob­lem that the Repub­li­can Par­ty must face. If we don’t, we will lose the courts for good.

Room For Improve­ment

In the two weeks I was in Wis­con­sin, I heard hun­dreds of ads for (and against) Susan Craw­ford and Brad Schimel. You could not escape them. Almost every ad on my phone was for the race. Almost every ad on every tele­vi­sion was for the race. They were every­where.

And yet, despite that, I must say that I felt that I still know almost noth­ing about Brad Schimel. I don’t know whether he is mar­ried. I don’t know what his voice sounds like. I don’t know any­thing about his accom­plish­ments as Attor­ney Gen­er­al of Wis­con­sin, amaz­ing­ly.

I know that he is in a band, inter­est­ing­ly. But I learned that only because a vot­er told me.

None of the ads in sup­port of Brad Schimel did any­thing to human­ize him as a can­di­date.

The Repub­li­cans accused Craw­ford of being soft on crime. The Democ­rats accused Schimel of being soft on crime.

The Democ­rats accused Schimel of being a mysog­y­nist who would ban abor­tions. The Repub­li­cans did not accuse Craw­ford of being any kind of extrem­ist.

And that was about it. The ads were an absolute blur.

And so Repub­li­cans lost on the feel of the can­di­dates.

They could have done bet­ter. The best case for any politi­cian is for vot­ers to feel like they know them.

And Schimel’s cam­paign and the asso­ci­at­ed efforts did not do enough to do so.

Just as crit­i­cal­ly, vot­ers need to be edu­cat­ed about the dan­ger of activist judges — and the fact that all Demo­c­rat can­di­dates are or will be activist judges.

This is what con­ser­v­a­tives must do, as soon as pos­si­ble.

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